The incoming head of the Shin Bet wasted no time. Even before the ink on his appointment had dried, it appeared that Zini had already begun repaying the debts tied to his new position, from restoring shadowy operatives to the Prime Minister's inner circle to burying sensitive investigations into figures who allegedly worked on behalf of Qatar during wartime.

Within Israel's security establishment, many already understand that Zini's appointment was not merely about professional qualifications, but about "governability" of the old and familiar kind. The echoing headline, "He is beginning to deliver the goods," is not an empty slogan; it reflects reality on the ground. While the public expected a cleanup operation, Zini seems to be signaling the exact opposite: industrial silence for insiders and de facto immunity for those involved in some of the most embarrassing affairs in recent memory. Zini understands very well that clearing Netanyahu in the so-called "Qatar-Gate" affair, much as outgoing Mossad chief David Barnea allegedly did, would provide the Prime Minister with critical political momentum ahead of the elections. It appears that, much like Barnea, both Gofman and Zini intend to continue the "tradition" associated with Yossi Cohen, serving personal political interests under the guise of national security.

At the center of the storm stands the "Qatar-Gate" affair, a tangled network of influence, money, and foreign interests. One of the key figures is Israel ("Shrulik") Einhorn, described as a fugitive who allegedly fled to Serbia. According to suspicions surrounding the case, Einhorn is effectively receiving political asylum there under the protection of the Serbian president, reportedly at Netanyahu's personal request. Although Einhorn has never been questioned regarding this affair, that appears not to matter to Shin Bet chief Zini. Even before a single basic investigative step was reportedly taken against the man at the center of the network, Zini had already concluded that "there was no harm to state security." The arrangement seems clear: an appointment in exchange for a complete disregard of the facts.

The most disturbing aspect of the affair concerns the identities of those who allegedly advanced Doha's interests inside Israel during one of the country's darkest hours. While Israeli soldiers were fighting in Gaza, there were allegedly individuals operating within the system to preserve Qatar's narrative and interests, despite Qatar being widely viewed as Hamas's primary financial backer. According to the allegations, these figures may have sabotaged negotiations and influenced hostage deal discussions in ways that served Hamas's survival and Qatar's position as the exclusive mediator. Rather than exposing those who may have harmed one of Israel's most sacred obligations, the redemption of captives, Zini appears to be granting them quiet immunity.

The difficult questions do not stop with Einhorn. The name Jay Footlik hangs over the affair like a dark cloud. Despite serious suspicions regarding his alleged involvement in the Qatari influence network, Zini appears to have aligned himself with the highest levels of diplomatic pressure. According to reports, even the President of the United States opposed investigating Footlik, and Zini seems to prefer international political convenience over uncovering the truth. At the same time, it was Zini who reportedly gave final approval for the return of Yonatan Urich to the Prime Minister's inner circle, a move that effectively paves the way for the return of trusted operatives, individuals accused of receiving money from Qatar and transmitting information during wartime in exchange for payment.

Faced with this reality, a deeply troubling question emerges: how can the head of the Shin Bet issue statements clearing both the system and Netanyahu of wrongdoing while key figures in the affair have not even been questioned?

The hard questions must be asked: What exactly was received in return for the millions of dollars allegedly paid by Qatar to Netanyahu's associates, and did this money buy influence over strategic wartime decisions?

Why, despite the alleged involvement of the Prime Minister's closest circle, has Netanyahu himself not been questioned?

Is the Shin Bet investigating possible links between those who received Qatari funds and the alleged obstruction of hostage negotiations?

And how does the system allow figures such as Jay Footlik and Israel Einhorn to evade questioning while allegedly holding critical information about the penetration of a foreign state into the heart of Israel's security establishment?

When a Shin Bet chief enters office carrying a political "to-do list," national security becomes secondary. Zini is "delivering the goods", providing political quiet for the Prime Minister, turning a blind eye to those who allegedly aided Qatar and harmed efforts to return the hostages, and enabling shadow operatives to regain positions of power. The Israeli public is left with a disturbing question: Does the Shin Bet still protect Israel, or has it begun protecting those who allegedly sold its interests for Qatari money and political appointments?

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Originally published at https://www.linkedin.com.